By Stephen M. Engel

ISBN-10: 0521153980

ISBN-13: 9780521153980

ISBN-10: 0521192951

ISBN-13: 9780521192958

Politicians have lengthy puzzled, or maybe been brazenly antagonistic to, the legitimacy of judicial authority, yet that authority turns out to became safer over the years. What explains the recurrence of hostilities and but the protection of judicial strength? Addressing this question anew, Stephen Engel issues to the slow popularity of dissenting perspectives of the structure, that's, the legitimacy and loyalty of sturdy competition. Politicians' altering notion of the risk posed by way of competition prompted how manipulations of judicial authority took form. As politicians' perspectives towards competition replaced over the years, their method towards the judiciary - the place competition may perhaps turn into entrenched - replaced in addition. as soon as competition was once not noticeable as a primary probability to the Constitution's survival, and a number of constitutional interpretations have been thought of valid, judicial strength will be construed much less because the seat of an illegitimate competition and extra as an tool to accomplish political ends. Politicians have been prone to harness it to serve their goals than to overtly undermine its legitimacy. briefly, conflicts among the elected branches and the judiciary haven't subsided. they've got replaced shape. they've got shifted from measures that undermine judicial legitimacy to measures that harness judicial strength for political ends. Engel's publication brings our realizing of those manipulations into line with different advancements, comparable to the institution of political events, the reputation of unswerving competition, the advance of other modes of constitutional interpretation, and the emergence of rights-based pluralism.

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Additional info for American politicians confront the court : opposition politics and changing responses to judicial power

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Yet scholars contend that the judiciary, and particularly the Supreme Court, has become more powerful and secure over time. Nothing in twentieth-century American politics matches how Jeffersonians reined in the judiciary in the early 1800s or what congressional Republicans achieved in the 1860s. Franklin Delano Roosevelt’s (FDR’s) court-packing plan collapsed and the impeachment and jurisdiction-curbing threats lobbed against the Warren Court went nowhere. 2 It appears that attacks focused on the Court’s democratic deficit have become less potent over time even as the polity as a whole has become more democratic.

13 In Federalist 78, Hamilton characterizes the Court as the “least dangerous branch” since it lacks the executive’s power of the sword and the legislature’s power of the purse. ” (570). 15 On “switches,” see Bruce Ackerman, We the People:€ Transformations (Cambridge, MA:€Belknap Press of Harvard University, 1998), 333–50; and Ackerman, The Failure of the Founding Fathers (Cambridge, MA:€ Belknap Press of Harvard University, 2005), 188–98; see also William Leuchtenberg, The Supreme Court Reborn:€The Constitutional Revolution in the Age of Roosevelt (New York:€Oxford University Press, 1995), 213–36.

Index entries in which the bill’s directionality could not be determined were excluded. 2 depicts the absolute total number of proposed legislation for these periods. Since the volume of all proposed legislation has grown over time, the pattern of increasing court-curbing proposals reveals very little information. Therefore, I disaggregated the proposed congressional legislation involving the judiciary by tactic and normalized it across time as percentages of total judiciary legislation. This information is included in an appendix to this chapter.

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American politicians confront the court : opposition politics and changing responses to judicial power by Stephen M. Engel

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